Publications / Iraq - Angry Hearts and Angry Minds / Section III: In Search of a New Global Security Architecture
Section III: In Search of a New Global Security Architecture

3.1 The War on Terror has exacerbated the problems it sought to address

3.2 Ideologies: a war of interpretation

3.3 The need for a new international security paradigm



3.1 The War on Terror has exacerbated the problems it sought to address


Part of Iraq’s New Architecture: A Bridge over Tigris river in Baghdad, May 2008

The aftermath of the Cold War heralded its own era of instability. However, rather than symbolising the United States’ misuse of overwhelming military capability as it does today and the ‘shock and awe’ that its War on Terror has triggered, the post-Cold War iteration was instead a projection of the world’s collective incredulity at the sudden collapse of communism.

Basking in the afterglow of what it believed to be a decisive ideological triumph, the United States quickly lost its edge. This apparently conclusive victory bestowed Washington with a sense of invincibility and inherent superiority, prompting a collective malaise in strategic planning. Carefully crafted alliances with such significant states as Pakistan and Indonesia were left to fester as the raison d’être for their expedient construction collapsed. Former Cold War theatres were left abandoned as post-communist states were left to forge their own futures in relative isolation. It is truly remarkable that so many fledgling states were established without substantial cost to their populations.

This geopolitical neglect quickly backfired upon the United States. Although clear markers were put in place regarding what laid in store for the world’s sole superpower (including, but not exclusively, foiled attacks on the World Trade Centre in 1993; a catastrophic international intervention in Somalia between 1993 and 1995; terrorist attacks upon US forces in Saudi Arabia in 1996), Washington’s strategic blinkers prevented it from reacting. A foreign policy paradigm based upon traditional tenets of overwhelming military and economic power was ill-positioned to react to the intricate threat matrix that emerged in the 1990s. The United States’ ability to achieve total battlefield domination through the power projection toolkit of overwhelming land, sea and air supremacy were suddenly not enough, as a raft of security challenges emerged that transcended national boundaries. Terrorism, disease, resource allocation and access to the basic fundamentals of life are now uppermost in the thoughts of Western strategic planners; classic zero sum game, state-to state conflict must rank very low in their priority lists.

While traditional military capabilities must be maintained by Western states, their collective response to - and anticipation of – global threats is in desperate need of a fourth arm. Although soft power mechanisms of diplomacy and addressing the legitimate political grievances of disenfranchised populations around the world is still very much a work in progress, their centrality to conflict prevention and resolution is without question.

War on Terror giving rise to legitimate political grievances

The local populations in the countries which lie at the heart of the WOT, namely Iraq, Afghanistan and Somalia, share common grievances. They generally consider that the US is waging a war against Islam whilst failing to bring about substantial improvements in the quality of life. Regrettably, international proclamations have failed to realise and the peoples of Iraq, Afghanistan and Somalia lack a positive outlook for the future.

An especially worrying indicator of violence and extremism is the widespread state of anger among the youth in the three WOT theatres. The existence of large groups of frustrated and disenfranchised young men is a problem affecting the whole of the Muslim world and beyond, and represents a real threat for all countries concerned with major implications for national security and stability.

Security Forces in Iraq and Afghanistan



Comparative indicators: Afghanistan, Somalia and Iraq



A political rally in Iraq, August 2006

Angry Young Men: Stabilisation efforts in Iraq, Afghanistan and Somalia at Risk

Since the 1970’s, leaders from the developing world have tried to deal with the demographic pressures derived from having populations with a high percentage of young people. This problem has been the subject of renewed international interest in recent years because of its particular incidence in the Arab world, where people under 25 constitute 60 per cent of the population. Several studies and articles have analysed the impact of exceptionally large numbers of youth, the so called “youth bulges”, on the security and stability of a country. Research reveals a clear link between large youth numbers and increased risks of social unrest, civil war and terrorism. This problematic demographic represents a particularly formidable obstacle to peace and stability in war-torn countries like Somalia, Iraq and Afghanistan.

The United States Census Bureau classifies “youth bulges” as the demographic situation where the proportion of young adults (from 15 to 29) to the overall adult population is higher than 30 to 40 per cent. A recent study conducted by Henrik Urdal demonstrated that the existence of youth bulges increases the risk of armed conflicts, rioting or terrorism. The scholar explains that for every increase of 1 per cent in youth bulges, the likelihood of conflict increases by 4 per cent, which means, for example, that countries experiencing youth bulges of 35 per cent have a 150 per cent higher risk of suffering an armed conflict than countries with a more stable age structure. Once more, these numbers refer to general situations, illustrating the tough challenge faced by countries in already unstable situations which have a large percentage of youth.

“Provide us with a good economic income, and then we’ll talk about democracy.”

Employee
Baghdad, May 2008


Notably, in Afghanistan around 47.9 per cent of the male adult population lies within the youth bulge; in Iraq it is 45.2 per cent; and in Somalia, 37.5 per cent. Furthermore, the demographic landscape for these countries is not expected to change considerably in coming years: the population projections for the years 2007, 2025 and 2050 all show a prominence of young people in the age group 0-29, indicating the continuation of a relatively young society for at least the next 50 years.

The lack of legal economic opportunities in the Somalia, Iraq and Afghanistan is deeply worrying - unemployment rates are estimated at 47 per cent, 30 per cent and 40 per cent (with much higher figures for those under 30), respectively.As manifested in these three theatres, unemployment, combined with legitimate grievances such as corruption, political fragmentation and internal strife, has prompted young people to behave violently and created an opportunity for extremist and armed groups to recruit new fighters.

Field research interviews on the level of anger and frustration



New Mosque Al Monsour district, May 2008



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